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Should we adjust for pupil background in school value-added models? A study of Progress 8 and school accountability in England

Applications · Submitted 22 Nov 2018

abstract compiled · 2026-09-23 · no language-model review

The authors' main claim We conclude that accountability systems which choose to ignore pupil background are likely to reward and punish the wrong schools and this will likely have detrimental effects on pupil learning.

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arXiv ID1811.09240 (version 1)
Pith ID3D3DMSLI, Pith's permanent record of this paper and its review
CitationGeorge Leckie, Harvey Goldstein. "Should we adjust for pupil background in school value-added models? A study of Progress 8 and school accountability in England." arXiv:1811.09240 (2018). https://pith.science/paper/3D3DMSLI
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What the abstract itself states, as probabilities: claims first 0.03 · states limitation 0.13 · human participants 0.52 · controlled comparison 0.12 · randomized assignment 0.01 · states quantitative result 0.05 · compares with prior results 0.66 · mentions code or data availability 0.02.

The abstract, sentence by sentence

arXiv listing abstract v1. Results and the main claim are underlined; .

In the UK, US and elsewhere, school accountability systems increasingly compare schools using value-added measures of school performance derived from pupil scores in high-stakes standardised tests. Rather than naively comparing school average scores, which largely reflect school intake differences in prior attainment, these measures attempt to compare the average progress or improvement pupils make during a year or phase of schooling. Schools, however, also differ in terms of their pupil demographic and socioeconomic characteristics and these also predict why some schools subsequently score higher than others. Many therefore argue that value-added measures unadjusted for pupil background are biased in favour of schools with more 'educationally advantaged' intakes. But, others worry that adjusting for pupil background entrenches socioeconomic inequities and excuses low performing schools. In this article we explore these theoretical arguments and their practical importance in the context of the 'Progress 8' secondary school accountability system in England which has chosen to ignore pupil background. We reveal how the reported low or high performance of many schools changes dramatically once adjustments are made for pupil background and these changes also affect the reported differential performances of region and of different school types. We conclude that accountability systems which choose to ignore pupil background are likely to reward and punish the wrong schools and this will likely have detrimental effects on pupil learning. These findings, especially when coupled with more general concerns surrounding high-stakes testing and school value-added models, raise serious doubts about their use in school accountability systems.

background contribution method result interpretation main claim

What the classifier reports for each sentence. The number is the probability it gave the label.
#sentencerolethe authors' own workstates the main conclusionstrength
s0 In the UK, US and elsewhere, school accountability systems increasingly compare schools using value-added measures of school performance derived from pupil scores in high-stakes standardised tests. background 1.00 0.03 0.01 asserted 0.98
s1 Rather than naively comparing school average scores, which largely reflect school intake differences in prior attainment, these measures attempt to compare the average progress or improvement pupils make during a year or phase of schooling. background 1.00 0.05 0.01 asserted 0.99
s2 Schools, however, also differ in terms of their pupil demographic and socioeconomic characteristics and these also predict why some schools subsequently score higher than others. background 1.00 0.06 0.02 asserted 1.00
s3 Many therefore argue that value-added measures unadjusted for pupil background are biased in favour of schools with more 'educationally advantaged' intakes. background 1.00 0.03 0.03 asserted 0.70
s4 But, others worry that adjusting for pupil background entrenches socioeconomic inequities and excuses low performing schools. background 0.99 0.03 0.02 hedged possibility 0.66
s5 In this article we explore these theoretical arguments and their practical importance in the context of the 'Progress 8' secondary school accountability system in England which has chosen to ignore pupil background. contribution 0.96 0.28 0.03 asserted 0.82
s6 We reveal how the reported low or high performance of many schools changes dramatically once adjustments are made for pupil background and these changes also affect the reported differential performances of region and of different school types. result 1.00 0.95 0.08 asserted 1.00
s7 We conclude that accountability systems which choose to ignore pupil background are likely to reward and punish the wrong schools and this will likely have detrimental effects on pupil learning. interpretation 0.99 0.52 0.91 hedged possibility 0.99
s8 These findings, especially when coupled with more general concerns surrounding high-stakes testing and school value-added models, raise serious doubts about their use in school accountability systems. interpretation 1.00 0.26 0.17 hedged possibility 0.66

What kind of paper the classifier reports this is: empirical study 0.84 · evidence from analysis of existing data 0.96.

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Every quoted sentence on this record is the authors'. Every label is from Pith's closed vocabulary, with the probability shown beside it. Every number in the measurements table is the authors', checked by code. Record as JSON

The paper
Original abstract

In the UK, US and elsewhere, school accountability systems increasingly compare schools using value-added measures of school performance derived from pupil scores in high-stakes standardised tests. Rather than naively comparing school average scores, which largely reflect school intake differences in prior attainment, these measures attempt to compare the average progress or improvement pupils make during a year or phase of schooling. Schools, however, also differ in terms of their pupil demographic and socioeconomic characteristics and these also predict why some schools subsequently score higher than others. Many therefore argue that value-added measures unadjusted for pupil background are biased in favour of schools with more 'educationally advantaged' intakes. But, others worry that adjusting for pupil background entrenches socioeconomic inequities and excuses low performing schools. In this article we explore these theoretical arguments and their practical importance in the context of the 'Progress 8' secondary school accountability system in England which has chosen to ignore pupil background. We reveal how the reported low or high performance of many schools changes dramatically once adjustments are made for pupil background and these changes also affect the reported differential performances of region and of different school types. We conclude that accountability systems which choose to ignore pupil background are likely to reward and punish the wrong schools and this will likely have detrimental effects on pupil learning. These findings, especially when coupled with more general concerns surrounding high-stakes testing and school value-added models, raise serious doubts about their use in school accountability systems.

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