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Testing the assumptions about the geometry of sentence embedding spaces: the cosine measure need not apply

T0 review · 4 major / 6 minor · reviewed 2026-08-05 · deepseek-v4-flash

Pith's one-line read The paper argues that the geometry of sentence embedding spaces—specifically cosine similarity between averaged-token, [CLS], and random-token representations—does not predict how well those representations perform on linguistic tasks, beca

desk verdict A concrete, useful dissociation between cosine geometry and task performance across sentence-representation variants, but the probe-based evidence needs a nonlinear control and statistical backing. read the letter →

arxiv 2509.01606 v1 pith:YNCEZAXH submitted 2025-09-01 cs.CL

classification cs.CL
keywords sentenceembeddingscosinesimilarityembeddinggeometryBERT-familymodelslinguisticprobingFlashHolmesbenchmarkrepresentationanisotropy
verification ladder T0 review T1 audit T2 compute T3 formal

The pith

A machine-rendered reading of the paper's core claim, the machinery that carries it, and where it could break.

The reading

This paper tests the common assumption that, for sentence embeddings, closeness in vector space means similarity of content and predictive power. The authors compare three ways of representing the same sentence—averaging its token embeddings, taking the special [CLS] token, and picking a random token—across four BERT-family models. They find that cosine similarity between these representation variations does not predict their relative performance on 216 linguistic tasks: for RoBERTa the variations are close but perform very differently, while for Electra and DeBERTa the [CLS] and averaged representations are almost orthogonal yet perform nearly identically. The paper concludes that the geometry of the sentence embedding space is not a reliable proxy for shared information, and that linguistic information is encoded in weighted combinations of dimensions that the cosine measure cannot see. The stakes: distance-based comparison is a default tool in NLP, so if this is right, many applications built on cosine similarity are using the wrong lens.

What carries the argument

The argument is carried by three sentence representations of the same sentence—the averaged token embedding (S_AVG), the special [CLS] token embedding (S_CLS), and a random token embedding (S_RAND)—compared three ways. Cosine similarity measures their geometric relations; the FlashHolmes benchmark, scored through a linear classifier probe, measures how much task-relevant information each representation makes accessible; and a variational encoder-decoder trained contrastively on chunk-structure patterns, plus tSNE projections of its latent layer, tests whether structural information is encoded in the same manner across representations. The combination lets the paper show that geometric closen

What would settle it

Compute, across the 216 FlashHolmes tasks, the correlation between the cosine similarity of S_AVG and S_CLS computed on the training sentences and the difference in their task accuracies, within each of the four models. If a robust positive correlation appears—especially on tasks tied to surface features like length or frequency—the blanket claim that cosine distance is not predictive would need qualification. Alternatively, take two representations that are near-orthogonal and train a classifier on one, then test on the other: the paper predicts high transfer for structural tasks; consistent

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Extended reading notes

Core claim

The central claim is that the geometry of sentence embedding spaces is not predictive of the relative task performance of different sentence representations. The paper establishes this by dissociating the two: for RoBERTa, all three representation variations of a sentence are close in the embedding space, yet their scores on the FlashHolmes benchmark diverge sharply; for Electra and DeBERTa, the [CLS] embedding is almost orthogonal to the averaged-token and random-token embeddings, yet their scores are close, and a system trained to recover chunk structure from one representation transfers successfully to the others. The authors take these results to show that cosine similarity treats dimens

Load-bearing premise

The conclusion rests on the assumption that a linear classifier probe on the FlashHolmes benchmark faithfully measures the task-relevant information in each sentence representation. If some tasks are near baseline or the relevant information is only accessible nonlinearly, the observed mismatch between cosine distance and probe scores would not show that geometry is uninformative.

Editorial extensions

If this is right

  • Cosine similarity between sentence embeddings should not be cited as evidence that two representations share task-relevant content; the paper shows near-orthogonality can coexist with near-equal performance.
  • The choice of sentence representation (averaged tokens vs. [CLS] vs. random token) matters for task performance in ways that embedding-space geometry does not capture, so representation choice and distance should be evaluated separately.
  • Linear probing results and cosine-based geometry can contradict each other; benchmark scores are a more direct measure of accessible information than vector distance.
  • The cross-representation transfer results imply that at least some structural information is stored in shared locations and formats across representations, so models could be probed or combined across representation types without retraining.
  • Analyses of anisotropy and of 'rogue dimensions' that rely on cosine or on independent dimensions need to be supplemented by methods that look at dimension interactions.

Reading between the lines

Editorial extensions of the paper, not claims the author makes directly.

  • If task-relevant information is in weighted dimension combinations, then rotating a sentence embedding (an orthogonal transform) should leave task performance roughly unchanged while changing cosine relations arbitrarily; this is a testable prediction the paper does not run.
  • The dissociation may be specific to tasks that need deep features; for shallow tasks such as sentence length or word-frequency estimation, cosine distance might remain predictive. That would refine rather than refute the paper's claim.
  • A practical extension: use cross-representation transfer accuracy as a similarity measure between embeddings instead of cosine, and compare the two rankings on the FlashHolmes suite; the paper's logic predicts transfer-based similarity will correlate with performance agreement better than cosine does.
  • The results suggest that model comparison by embedding geometry may be measuring the wrong quantity; comparing what tasks models solve and how their probes transfer may be more informative.
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Editorial analysis

A structured set of objections, weighed in public.

Desk editor's note, referee report, and a circularity audit.

Referee Report

4 major / 6 minor

Summary. The paper investigates whether the geometry of sentence embedding spaces, as measured by cosine similarity between three representation variations (average token embeddings, [CLS] token, and a random token), predicts the relative performance of those representations on linguistic tasks. Using four BERT-family models (BERT, RoBERTa, DeBERTa, Electra), the authors (i) histogram cosine similarities between representation variations on six languages, (ii) evaluate the three representations on the 216-task FlashHolmes benchmark with a linear classifier probe, and (iii) probe for shared chunk-structure information using a variational encoder-decoder. They report that cosine distance and task performance dissociate: e.g., RoBERTa's representations are close in cosine space but perform very differently, while Electra/DeBERTa's [CLS] and averaged representations are nearly orthogonal yet perform similarly. They conclude that cosine similarity is a shallow metric and that linguistic information is encoded in weighted combinations of dimensions, shared across representation types in the same manner.

Significance. If correct, the paper challenges a common assumption in the field: that cosine closeness in sentence embedding spaces is informative about shared task-relevant content. The study is broad in scope (four models, six languages, 216 tasks, plus a dedicated structure-probing experiment) and the structure-probing component reports F1 scores with standard deviations over three runs, which is a strength. The paper also makes a falsifiable claim that cosine similarity 'need not apply' as a tool for comparing sentence representations. However, the central quantitative claim rests on single-run FlashHolmes scores obtained with a linear probe, with no significance testing, and many tasks are at or near baseline, so the dissociation could be a probe artifact. The paper is a useful cautionary empirical contribution, but the headline conclusion currently outruns the evidence.

major comments (4)
  1. [§3.2 / Tables 1–5 / Figure 4] The central dissociation claim is supported only by aggregate comparisons of FlashHolmes scores with no significance tests, error bars, or random seeds. Many tasks show identical scores across all three representations (e.g., Table 3: arg-is-abstract 0.125, event_structure-event 0.241, factuality 0.466; Table 5: olmpics-composition_v2 0.4), indicating probe saturation or trivial baselines. The 'close performance' of S_AVG and S_CLS may therefore reflect that both are at ceiling or floor on many tasks, not that geometry is uninformative. The authors should report per-task chance baselines, distinguish saturated tasks, and provide significance tests or effect sizes for the aggregate comparisons.
  2. [§3.1 / §3.2] The FlashHolmes results are obtained with 'a classifier probe implemented as a linear NN layer'. A linear probe can only access linearly decodable information; if task-relevant content is encoded nonlinearly in one representation but linearly in another, the observed geometry–performance dissociation is a probe artifact. The paper's own Section 4 uses a nonlinear variational encoder-decoder to find shared chunk-structure information, acknowledging that linear access may be insufficient. Without evidence that the linear probe faithfully extracts task-relevant content from all three representation types—for example, by comparing against a nonlinear probe or a representational-similarity analysis—the headline claim is not rigorously supported.
  3. [§2.5 / Figure 2] The claim that S_CLS is 'almost orthogonal' to S_AVG/S_Trand for DeBERTa and Electra is based on histograms only, with no reported means, variances, or confidence intervals, and the y-scales differ across subplots, making visual comparisons unreliable. Furthermore, the random-token representation S_Trand is not fully specified: no selection procedure, number of draws, or seed is given, so the stability of the cosine distances involving S_Trand is unknown. The authors should quantify these distributions and average over multiple random-token samples.
  4. [§4 / Table 6 / Figure 6] The cross-representation transfer evidence for 'same information, same manner' is limited to one syntactic property (chunk structure) and fails for DeBERTa (F1 around 0.13–0.33, compared to 0.79–0.95 for other models). The tSNE plots in Figure 6 are qualitative and use default parameters. This evidence does not establish that the 216 FlashHolmes tasks, or even all four models, encode information in the same manner. The authors should quantify transfer relative to within-representation ceilings, test additional linguistic properties, and explain the DeBERTa failure in relation to the global claim.
minor comments (6)
  1. [Title page / Affiliations] Typo: 'Swizerland' should be 'Switzerland'.
  2. [§2.3] The phrase 'the datasets are not parallel' is unclear; the intended meaning is likely that the six 1000-sentence sets are not translations of each other. Please rephrase.
  3. [Notation throughout] Notation is inconsistent: S AVG, SCLS, S Trand appear alongside S_AVG, S_CLS, S_Trand; and S Trand vs STrand. Please unify.
  4. [Figures 1 and 2] The y-scales differ per subplot, which can mislead comparisons across models. Consider using a common scale or annotating the scaling clearly.
  5. [§2.2 / §2.4] The phrase 'random token' is used as a sentence representation, but no details are given about which token is chosen or whether multiple random tokens are averaged. This is important for reproducibility.
  6. [§4.1] The variational encoder-decoder is described as compressing 768-dimensional embeddings to a latent size of 5. The choice of latent dimension and the number of negatives (Nnegs=7) are not justified or varied; a sensitivity analysis would strengthen the structural-probing conclusions.

Circularity Check

0 steps flagged · score 2.0 of 10

No significant circularity: the geometry–performance dissociation is an independent empirical observation; the self-cited structural probe is a tool, not the proof.

full rationale

The paper's central claim is that cosine distances between sentence-representation variants (S_AVG, S_CLS, S_RAND) do not predict their relative FlashHolmes task scores. This is established by direct measurement: cosine histograms in Section 2.5 are compared with linear-probe scores in Section 3.2. No parameter is fitted to the task scores and then 'predicted'; the dissociation is an observed correlation failure, not an identity or a restatement of the input. The structural-probing section uses the authors' prior variational encoder-decoder (Nastase and Merlo 2024), and the interpretation that shared clues are phrase boundaries/number cites Nastase et al. (2024). These are self-citations, but they are not load-bearing for the main claim: the cross-representation transfer results (Table 6, Figure 5) are measured in this paper, and the geometry claim would stand even if the structural probe were replaced by another method. No equation defines geometry in terms of performance, no uniqueness theorem is imported, and no fitted parameter is renamed as a prediction. Potential weaknesses (a linear probe may miss nonlinearly encoded information; no significance tests) are validity concerns about the empirical conclusion, not circularity.

Assumptions & free parameters 2 free parameters · 4 assumptions · 0 invented entities

The paper introduces no new fitted constants or entities. Its claims rest on standard assumptions about probing validity and on design hyperparameters inherited from previous work. The central result is an empirical dissociation, not a derived law.

free parameters (2)
  • latent dimension L = 5
    The variational encoder-decoder compresses sentence embeddings to a latent size of 5 (Section 4.1); inherited from Nastase and Merlo (2024), not tuned to fit the paper's claims.
  • number of negative examples Nnegs = 7
    Each training instance uses 7 negative sentences with different chunk patterns (Section 4.1); a design choice, not fitted to a target result.
assumptions (4)
  • domain assumption The linear probe on FlashHolmes faithfully measures task-relevant information in an embedding.
    Section 3.1 uses a linear NN layer as classifier probe; the paper's conclusion treats probe performance as the ground truth for what the embedding encodes.
  • domain assumption The three representation variations (SAVG, SCLS, STrand) are legitimate sentence representations and are directly comparable.
    Section 2.1 defines them; the whole study compares their geometry and performance.
  • domain assumption The structural probing method of Nastase and Merlo (2024) reliably recovers chunk-structure clues.
    Section 4 adopts their code and data; the cross-representation transfer conclusion depends on this method's validity.
  • domain assumption The ParaCrawl sample of 1000 sentences per language is representative of natural language sentences.
    Section 2.3 describes the dataset; the generality of the geometry observations rests on this sample.

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Cite this review

Pith. "Pith review of Testing the assumptions about the geometry of sentence embedding spaces: the cosine measure need not apply." pith.science (2026). https://pith.science/paper/YNCEZAXH

@misc{pith2026250901606,
  author       = {Pith},
  title        = {Pith review of: Testing the assumptions about the geometry of sentence embedding spaces: the cosine measure need not apply},
  year         = {2026},
  howpublished = {\url{https://pith.science/paper/YNCEZAXH}},
  note         = {Machine review of arXiv:2509.01606}
}
read the original abstract

Transformer models learn to encode and decode an input text, and produce contextual token embeddings as a side-effect. The mapping from language into the embedding space maps words expressing similar concepts onto points that are close in the space. In practice, the reverse implication is also assumed: words corresponding to close points in this space are similar or related, those that are further are not. Does closeness in the embedding space extend to shared properties for sentence embeddings? We present an investigation of sentence embeddings and show that the geometry of their embedding space is not predictive of their relative performances on a variety of tasks. We compute sentence embeddings in three ways: as averaged token embeddings, as the embedding of the special [CLS] token, and as the embedding of a random token from the sentence. We explore whether there is a correlation between the distance between sentence embedding variations and their performance on linguistic tasks, and whether despite their distances, they do encode the same information in the same manner. The results show that the cosine similarity -- which treats dimensions shallowly -- captures (shallow) commonalities or differences between sentence embeddings, which are not predictive of their performance on specific tasks. Linguistic information is rather encoded in weighted combinations of different dimensions, which are not reflected in the geometry of the sentence embedding space.

Figures

Figures reproduced from arXiv: 2509.01606 by the authors.

Figure 1
Figure 1. Histograms of cosine similarities for words [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p003_1.png] view at source ↗
Figure 2
Figure 2. Histograms of cosine similarities computed [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p004_2.png] view at source ↗
Figure 3
Figure 3. Comparison of embedding variations through [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p004_3.png] view at source ↗
Figures from the paper (7 more)
Figure 4
Figure 4. Figure 4: Statistics on the best sentence representation for each transformer, and overall for each task. The y-axis is [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p005_4.png]
Figure 5
Figure 5. Figure 5: Comparison between models using SAV G, SCLS and STrand in detecting the sentence chunk structure in terms of average F1 scores over three runs. Detailed results in table 6 in the appendix. representation experiments – using the training data encoded with one type of re…
Figure 6
Figure 6. Figure 6: Comparison between models using SAV G (⃝), SCLS (▽) and STrand (+) in detecting the sentence chunk structure. tSNE plots of the latent layer vectors of the training data represented using SAV G , SCLS and STrand , obtained from a model trained on the SAV G representati…
Figure 7
Figure 7. Figure 7: Cosine similarities histograms computed for words and tokens from 1000 En [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p012_7.png]
Figure 8
Figure 8. Figure 8: Cosine similarities histograms computed for 1000 English/French/German/Italian/Romanian/Spanish [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p013_8.png]
Figure 9
Figure 9. Figure 9: Detailed results on the FlashHolmes benchmark, on morphology, syntax and semantic tasks [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p014_9.png]
Figure 10
Figure 10. Figure 10: Detailed results on the FlashHolmes benchmark, on discourse and reasoning tasks [PITH_FULL_IMAGE:figures/full_fig_p015_10.png]

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Pith tools

Reviewed August 5, 2026 · model on record in the stance chip above.